Voters over parties

Voters over parties
Decisions should be at the polls, not in redistricting

December 20, 2001

The debate over congressional redistricting now before a court in Denver is long on rhetoric, but short on facts. And, the most consistently overlooked reality is that fully a third of Coloradans are neither Republicans nor Democrats.

The increase in population the state has experienced means that it will gain a seat in the U.S. House of Representatives. Colorado must therefore be divided into seven districts, which must be roughly equal in population, instead of six.

For all the talk about communities of interest, fairness and apple pie, the process is nakedly political. The point of the exercise is to make it easier to elect more people of a particular party. The only real argument is about which party stands to gain.

The best answer may be neither. Republicans argue that because the GOP has a 170,000 lead over Democrats in voter registration redistricting should produce an overwhelming Republican majority in the state’s congressional delegation. Colorado now sends four Republicans and two Democrats to the House; GOP leaders want to see a 5-to-2 ratio next year.

Registering, however, is not voting. That more Coloradans are registered Republicans than Democrats is interesting, but in itself it decides nothing.

The GOP does hold a meaningful advantage over the Democrats, but it is neither a commanding lead nor a majority. The state Legislature and Colorado’s congressional delegation is divided between Democrats and Republicans, but the voters are effectively split into thirds. According to The Almanac of American Politics 2002, Michael Barone’s authoritative handbook on the U.S. electoral process, 30 percent of Colorado voters are registered Democrats, 35 percent are Republicans – and 35 percent are neither.

Moreover, while Colorado voters have certainly been leaning toward conservatives in recent years, they clearly vote for the candidate, not the party. Sen. Ben Nighthorse Campbell, who has been elected as both a Democrat and a Republican, is an example.

Redistricting for party advantage also fuels greater partisanship. Both parties’ cores are more extreme than the general populace, and safe districts encourage candidates to cater to them, not the voters. Would Denver’s Democratic Rep. Diana DeGette get a 100 percent approval rating from liberal groups if she had to face a serious challenge in the general election?

Perhaps the court should reject both parties’ pleas for gerrymandering the state to their advantage, and consider instead the good of the voters. They may appreciate a choice at the polls.