May 26, 2001 The defection of James Jeffords, one of their own, has Senate Republicans smarting. "How could he?" they demand to know. That he could betray them in the same way that Colorado Sen. Ben Nighthorse Campbell betrayed the Democratic voters of rural Colorado is a fine irony. It’s also a symptom of a problem neither major political party can afford to ignore. Jeffords’ state, Vermont, is populated with a balanced mix of Republicans, Democrats and Independents; he didn’t abandon a strong GOP majority there. Instead he moved to free himself so that he could vote his conscience, something that most Americans naively believe their elected representatives routinely can do. Jeffords has said he disagreed with the Bush administration on such important points as tax cuts, education, energy and environmental policy. Believing that he could not work through those differences while remaining within the Republican Party, and apparently feeling that joining the Democratic Party was not a workable solution, Jeffords opted to say publicly what many Americans are coming to believe: Our two-party system is too rigid to serve us well. Too often, it’s difficult to maintain loyalty to both party and constituents. State Rep. Mark Larson, R-Cortez, has experienced a taste of that in Denver, clashing with House Speaker Doug Dean. Politics isn’t as straightforward as it might seem to outsiders; as the system currently exists, a considerable amount of insider trading is necessary if anything is to be accomplished. Moderates must align themselves with a major party or be reduced to shrill impotence. In almost every way, Jeffords was a minor player in the major leagues. Vermont has neither the population density nor the economic base to be a national force. By breaking ranks, Jeffords has prompted tremendous changes in the national political scene. The fact that any of the 50 Senate Republicans theoretically could have done the same thing means that considerable pressure had been applied to ensure none did. Because Jeffords withstood that pressure — and because Majority Leader Trent Lott apparently underestimated his capacity to do so — the Republicans have lost their majority in the Senate. The president, whose success depended heavily on that majority to keep his programs moving forward, must suddenly face the possibility that some will skid to a screeching halt. Tax cuts, conservative judgeships, new petroleum supplies are no longer sure things. Dick Cheney, who for a few months was a very important man because he could tilt the 50-50 Senate tie to the GOP, has now been reduced to being "just" the vice president. Jeffords’ action was amazingly courageous, and its long-term repercussions are only beginning to be understood. It’s not likely to start a stampede, but when viewed in combination with the surprising strength of some "third-party" candidates in the 2000 elections, it could signal the beginning of a substantive change in the way policy is made in these United States of America. The Democratic Party should not be so naive as to believe it will be immune; Democrats should move quickly and decisively to capitalize on their slim majority, because holding it is far from a sure thing. For those who enjoy watching the political process, it’s a great time to be an American. |
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